WHEN
WILL IT END?
Gershon Baskin, Ph.D.
Israeli-Co-Director of IPCRI
|
Sunday, December 02, 2001
When will it end? This is the question that journalist
after journalist have been asking me during the past two days (and one that I
have been asking myself for the past 14 months). This is the question that we
should all be asking ourselves. How
long will we allow violence to be the only tool used to “resolve” the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict? Each time one of the foreign Foreign Ministers
arrives in the country (Israel and Palestine) or one of the envoys sent on a new
“peace mission”, some naïve people seem to believe that they are coming with a
magic wand in their pockets that will suddenly create the conditions for peace
or at least for a cease fire. Usually what they accomplish (probably not by
their own design) is a short breather in-between escalations. Each escalation in
warfare is more extreme than the previous one. The two terrorist attacks of the last 2
days is the first step of significant escalation from the Palestinian side and
the Israeli response is yet to come – but it will come and it will be
extreme.
The calls of the public and
of politicians in Israel is becoming more and more a choir sounding off in one
clear voice: get rid of the Palestinian Authority! I would guess that later
today Sharon will be trying to convince President Bush to add the Palestinian
Authority to the list of “states” that support terror, thereby allowing Israel
to do to the Palestinian Authority what America did to the Taliban. There would
be very few people in Israel who would shed a single tear if the Palestinian
Authority ceased to exist. This reminds me of the public call in Israel after
the intifada began “t’nu lezahal l’nezach”
- “let the IDF win!” I have
not yet heard someone define what victory means in this case. Okay, let’s say that Mofaz gets the
order from the Government – “Go ahead – bring us victory!” – What the hell does
that mean? If the IDF did fully
reoccupy the Palestinian territories and expel Arafat and the heads of the PA –
is that victory? What is it exactly
that Israel wins?
The Palestinians also can’t
seem to find an implementable version for their definition of victory for
themselves. The leaders of Fatah
Tanzim have declared that they will not stop the intifada until they have ended
the Israeli occupation – removed the Israeli army, the Israeli settlements and
brought about a solution to the refugee issue. In order to actively bring about
a Palestinian victory under these terms, Fatah Tanzim have joined in a coalition
of terror attacks against Israel.
On the very day that Arafat declared that he would honor a ceasefire and
called upon the Palestinian public to observe the ceasefire (once again), Fatah
Tanzim joined with the Islamic Jihad in a terror attack in Afula. The attacks of last night in Jerusalem
and today in Haifa appear to be the work of Hamas and Jihad, but there is no
doubt that there is wide Palestinian public support for these attacks.
Both sides are suffering
almost beyond belief. In my eyes one of the most amazing things is that both
sides seem to want more. The calls for revenge come from the streets of Israel
and from Palestine. Upon hearing of the attack last night in Jerusalem, the
first thing I did was to call my 15 year old daughter to make sure that she was
not in the area of the bombings – a place that she frequents on weekend late
evenings. She wasn’t there – I couldn’t stop thinking all day long, what might
have happened to her if she had been there. I saw the horrifying results on
television. Today we heard the
names of the children who were killed last night. Later today we will hear the
names and the personal heart tearing stories of the victims of today’s bloody
attack. Last week we heard the names of the Palestinian children killed in
Rafah. I have no demand for revenge in my heart. I do not want more. I want it to end. ENOUGH – I have had enough.
I do not believe in our
leaders. I have no belief and no
sympathy for Sharon or for Arafat.
I want them to go. Their
time is over. They cannot bring
peace. They only know war and
bloodshed. They send our children
to their deaths. They can offer no
hope. They can offer no security.
They cannot bring us security; they can only continue to bring us suffering.
US envoy General Zinni is
here trying to enforce a ceasefire. I don’t believe that he can deliver the
goods. There is no reason to believe that Zinni will succeed where Tenant and
Mitchell failed before him. Tenant and Mitchell could not provide Arafat with
the “political gains” for which he could declare victory and then retake control
of the territories. They could not
produce those results because there is no partner on the Israel side to allow
the Palestinians any victory – even symbolic.
Arafat has chosen to give up
control of the territories. He has
decided that he does not have the possibility to convince his public that the
750 Palestinian deaths of the past year, thousands of wounded and a completely
crippled economy produced anything worthwhile. Arafat cannot successfully retake
control of the territories without some kind of political gain. Arafat has the
power and the forces to try to take control. He can arrest Hamas, Jihad and even
Fatah militia leaders and activists, but he cannot defeat the street. Sharon too
cannot convince his public that we must negotiate with the Palestinians even if
there is not 100% quiet (which is not an unreasonable demand).
Arafat’s cabinet just declared an emergency
situation in the West Bank and Gaza.
The cabinet has declared that the Palestinian law will be enforced in the
territories under their control and that those engaged in illegal activities
will be arrested. Arafat will probably once again declare his commitment to a
ceasefire. He will notify General
Zinni that he has given orders to arrest those responsible for the latest terror
attacks. Israel has already blamed Arafat directly for the attacks and as soon
as Sharon arrives home from Washington, or perhaps even before his return,
Israel is likely to launch a massive attack against the Palestinians.
As I see it there are two possibilities for
enabling a real Palestinian commitment to a ceasefire: if the US were to launch
a real peace initiative that included a clear plan for what peace meant, e.g. a
sovereign independent Palestinian state in the 1967 borders (plus/minus) which a
shared capital in Jerusalem including US and EU troops on the ground as
verifiers, peacekeepers and dispute managers; or if there was some kind of real
Israeli initiative that included implementation of commitments made with regard
to Israeli withdrawals from the territories and the beginning of Israeli
settlement withdrawals with a commitment to re-enter into final status
negotiations from the point where they ended in Taba in January 2001. Neither of
these seems very likely (especially the second possibility). A third possibility
might be if there was a Palestinian peace initiative that could reach out to the
Israeli public, but this too seems very unlikely. For one, who on the Israeli side still
trusts Palestinian peace initiatives and second, the Palestinians are not known
for producing initiatives of this type.
A continuation of the deterioration on the
ground is what is most likely to happen. If I were General Zinni (with the full
backing of President Bush), this is what I would do:
- I would declare that the United States will
send US peacekeeping troops to the West Bank and Gaza to enforce the ceasefire
that both sides have declared that they support.
- I would demand that the Israelis and
Palestinians immediately reconvene the joint security committee and the
security cooperation on the ground and state that the US will chair the work
of that security cooperation. The joint security committee should convene this
evening prior to the Israeli military response.
- I would demand that Israel withhold its
planned attack against the Palestinian Authority this evening.
- I would insist that Arafat declare the
military wings of all factions, including Fatah Tanzim, as illegal and then
collect all the weapons in the hands of those factions and then turn those
weapons over to the American peacekeepers.
- I would demand that Arafat establish one
unified command of all the Palestinian security forces under the guidance of a
clear chain of command responsible to the office of the Palestinian
President.
- I would demand that Israel remove its
internal closures of all Palestinian cities and towns.
- I would demand that Israel immediately cease
its policy of targeted killings.
After this is accomplished I would move the
sides into implementing the Mitchell report understanding that there is very
little likelihood that this would lead to a renewed peace process.
Realistically, I do not believe that Sharon and
Arafat can bring us to a real peace process. If the Palestinians cannot produce
their own peace initiative that they would adopt and convince Israelis to
support, the most important thing that Palestinians can do for themselves is to
create the mechanism for an orderly and clear process of transitions from the
Arafat era of Palestinian politics to the post-Arafat era. If there is no clear
mechanism for transition established while Arafat is alive and in power, the
chances for chaos, bloodshed and disaster is what is most likely to occur. If
Arafat cannot deliver peace and Palestinian statehood to his people, the least
that he can do for them is to lay down the means to carry-on a peaceful struggle
after him. Today, as it stands, a
post-Arafat era would most likely produce coalitions between various military
leaders and forces and various combinations of the public, with the most
organized sector of the public being the fundamentalist Islamic groups. In my
view, this will result with a greater fragmentation of Palestinian society. There will be no central government and
there will be no order, peace, security or any chance for Palestinian democracy.
The chances for peace under these conditions would be even less than they are
today.
I would urge the International community at its
donors meeting next week to link donor contributions to the Palestinians with
Arafat commitments and plans for creating mechanisms for orderly transition. If
Arafat cannot agree to International demands of this kind, then the donor money
should be given directly to non-PA service providers in the West Bank and Gaza
administered directly by donor organizations.
I would recommend that we all brace ourselves
for more violence and more suffering.
Sadly it seems that we have not yet reached rock-bottom. It seems that there has not yet been
enough suffering for normal people on both sides to take to the streets and
demand an end to the insanity. New
Prophets of dome on the Israeli side are producing new false hopes, new myths
called unilateral separation. This will also not work. No peace will come from walls, fences,
ditches and other blockades. As long as Israel insists to keep the settlements
and continue the occupation there will be no peace for Israelis. Palestinian terrorists who want to hit
Israel will find the way to do it with blockades or without them. Unilateral separation based on fences,
blockades and ditches is a recipe for the continuation of the occupation and a
guarantee of continued Palestinian hunger, poverty and suffering. But the calls
by Israeli politicians to support unilateral separation are gaining public
support. Once again, the public
chooses to deceive itself with false hopes rather than coming to the only
conclusion that can really produce peace – negotiations and agreements with
significant means for verification, compliance, dispute resolution mechanisms
managed and supervised by US, EU and other foreign troops on the ground. Even this will be extremely difficult,
but this is the only plan that I can think of today that has a chance of leading
us towards real peace.
In the end, it is only by the will of the
Israeli and Palestinian public that we will find our way to the path of
peace. It is time to say: we have
had enough – we are not willing to kill or to be killed anymore when we all know
the price of peace. It is time for
both sides to pay that price – Palestinian statehood, an end to the occupation,
a shared Jerusalem as the capital of two states and a resolution to the refugee
issue through compensation and resettlement in the Palestinian state. No doubt, a costly price for both sides
– but that it the price and both sides must pay it.