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19/04/2004
Ariel Sharon and George W. Bush's letters in
full
Text of George W. Bush's
letter to Ariel Sharon
His Excellency Ariel Sharon Prime
Minister of Israel Dear Mr. Prime Minister,
Thank you for your
letter setting out your disengagement plan.
The United States
remains hopeful and determined to find a way forward toward a resolution
of the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. I remain committed to my June 24, 2002
vision of two states living side by side in peace and security as the key
to peace, and to the road map as the route to get there.
We
welcome the disengagement plan you have prepared, under which Israel would
withdraw certain military installations and all settlements from Gaza, and
withdraw certain military installations and settlements in the West Bank.
These steps described in the plan will mark real progress toward
realizing my June 24, 2002 vision, and make a real contribution toward
peace. We also understand that, in this context, Israel believes it is
important to bring new opportunities to the Negev and the Galilee. We are
hopeful that steps pursuant to this plan, consistent with my vision, will
remind all states and parties of their own obligations under the road map.
The United States appreciates the risks such an undertaking
represents. I therefore want to reassure you on several points.
First, the United States remains committed to my vision and to its
implementation as described in the road map. The United States will do its
utmost to prevent any attempt by anyone to impose any other plan. Under
the road map, Palestinians must undertake an immediate cessation of armed
activity and all acts of violence against Israelis anywhere, and all
official Palestinian institutions must end incitement against Israel.
The Palestinian leadership must act decisively against terror,
including sustained, targeted, and effective operations to stop terrorism
and dismantle terrorist capabilities and infrastructure. Palestinians must
undertake a comprehensive and fundamental political reform that includes a
strong parliamentary democracy and an empowered prime minister.
Second, there will be no security for Israelis or Palestinians
until they and all states, in the region and beyond, join together to
fight terrorism and dismantle terrorist organizations.
The United
States reiterates its steadfast commitment to Israel's security, including
secure, defensible borders, and to preserve and strengthen Israel's
capability to deter and defend itself, by itself, against any threat or
possible combination of threats.
Third, Israel will retain its
right to defend itself against terrorism, including to take actions
against terrorist organizations. The United States will lead efforts,
working together with Jordan, Egypt, and others in the international
community, to build the capacity and will of Palestinian institutions to
fight terrorism, dismantle terrorist organizations, and prevent the areas
from which Israel has withdrawn from posing a threat that would have to be
addressed by any other means.
The United States understands that
after Israel withdraws from Gaza and/or parts of the West Bank, and
pending agreements on other arrangements, existing arrangements regarding
control of airspace, territorial waters, and land passages of the West
Bank and Gaza will continue.
The United States is strongly
committed to Israel's security and well-being as a Jewish state. It seems
clear that an agreed, just, fair, and realistic framework for a solution
to the Palestinian refugee issue as part of any final status agreement
will need to be found through the establishment of a Palestinian state,
and the settling of Palestinian refugees there, rather than in Israel.
As part of a final peace settlement, Israel must have secure and
recognized borders, which should emerge from negotiations between the
parties in accordance with UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338. In light of new
realities on the ground, including already existing major Israeli
populations centers, it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final
status negotiations will be a full and complete return to the armistice
lines of 1949, and all previous efforts to negotiate a two-state solution
have reached the same conclusion.
It is realistic to expect that
any final status agreement will only be achieved on the basis of mutually
agreed changes that reflect these realities. I know that, as you state in
your letter, you are aware that certain responsibilities face the State of
Israel. Among these, your government has stated that the barrier being
erected by Israel should be a security rather than political barrier,
should be temporary rather than permanent, and therefore not prejudice any
final status issues including final borders, and its route should take
into account, consistent with security needs, its impact on Palestinians
not engaged in terrorist activities.
As you know, the United
States supports the establishment of a Palestinian state that is viable,
contiguous, sovereign, and independent, so that the Palestinian people can
build their own future in accordance with my vision set forth in June 2002
and with the path set forth in the road map.
The United States
will join with others in the international community to foster the
development of democratic political institutions and new leadership
committed to those institutions, the reconstruction of civic institutions,
the growth of a free and prosperous economy, and the building of capable
security institutions dedicated to maintaining law and order and
dismantling terrorist organizations.
A peace settlement negotiated
between Israelis and Palestinians would be a great boon not only to those
peoples but to the peoples of the entire region.
Accordingly, the
United States believes that all states in the region have special
responsibilities: to support the building of the institutions of a
Palestinian state; to fight terrorism, and cut off all forms of assistance
to individuals and groups engaged in terrorism; and to begin now to move
toward more normal relations with the State of Israel.
These
actions would be true contributions to building peace in the region. Mr.
Prime Minister, you have described a bold and historic initiative that can
make an important contribution to peace. I commend your efforts and your
courageous decision which I support. As a close friend and ally, the
United States intends to work closely with you to help make it a success.
Sincerely,
George W. Bush
Ariel Sharon's letter
to George W. Bush
The Honorable George W. Bush President of
the United States of America The White House Washington, D.C.
Dear Mr. President, The vision that you articulated in your 24
June 2002 address constitutes one of the most significant contributions
toward ensuring a bright future for the Middle East. Accordingly, the
State of Israel has accepted the roadmap, as adopted by our government.
For the first time, a practical and just formula was presented for the
achievement of peace,opening a genuine window of opportunity for progress
toward a settlement between Israel and the Palestinians, involving two
states living side-by-side in peace and security.
This formula
sets forth the correct sequence and principles for the attainment of
peace. Its full implementation represents the sole means to make genuine
progress. As you have stated, A Palestinian state will never be created by
terror, and Palestinians must engage in a sustained fight against the
terrorists and dismantle their infrastructure. Moreover, there must be
serious efforts to institute true reform and real democracy and liberty
including new leaders not compromised by terror. We are committed to this
formula as the only avenue through which an agreement can be reached. We
believe that this formula is the only viable one.
The Palestinian
Authority under its current leadership has taken no action to meet its
responsibilities under the roadmap. Terror has not ceased, reform of the
Palestinian security services has not been undertaken, and real
institutional reforms have not taken place. The State of Israel continues
to pay the heavy cost of constant terror. Israel must preserve its
capability to protect itself and deter its enemies, and we thus retain our
right to defend ourselves against terrorism and to take actions against
terrorist organizations.
Having reached the conclusion that, for
the time being, there exists no Palestinian partner with with whom to
advance peacefully toward a settlement and since the current impasse is
unhelpful to the achievement of our shared goals, I have decided to
initiate a process of gradual disengagement with the hope of reducing
friction between Israelis and Palestinians. The Disengagement Plan is
designed to improve security for Israel and stabilize our political and
economic situation. It will enable us to deploy our forces more
effectively until such time that conditions in the Palestinian Authority
allow for the full implementation of the roadmap to resume.
I
attach, for your review, the main principles of the Disengagement Plan.
This initiative, which we are not undertaking uner the roadmap, represents
an independent Israeli plan, yet is not inconsistent with the roadmap.
According to this plan, the State of Israel intends to relocate military
installations and all Israeli villages and towns in the Gaza Strip, as
well as other military installations and a small number of villages in
Samaria.
In this context, we also plan to accelerate construction
of the Security Fence, whose completion is essential in order to ensure
the security of the citizens of Israel. The fence is a security rather
than political barrier, temporary rather than permanent, and therefore
will not prejudice any final status issues including final borders. The
route of the Fence, as approved by our Government's decisions, will take
into account, consistent with security needs, its impact on Palestinians
not engaged in terrorist activities.
Upon my return from
Washington, I expect to submit the Plan for the approval of the Cabinet
and the Knesset, and I firmly believe that it will win such approval.
The Disengagement Plan will create a new and better reality for
the State of Israel, enhance its security and economy, and strengthen the
fortitude of its people. In this context, I believe it is important to
bring new opportunities to the Negev and Galilee. Additionally, the Plan
will entail a series of measures with the inherent potential to improve
the lot of the Palestinian Authority, providing that it demonstrates the
wisdom to take advantage of this opportunity. The execution of the
Disengagement Plan holds the prospect of stimulating positive changes
within the Palestinian Authority that might create the necessary
conditions for the resumption of direct negotiations.
We view the
achievement of a settlement between Israel and the Palestinians as our
central focus and are committed to realizing this objective. Progress
toward this goal must be anchored exclusively in the roadmap and we will
oppose any other plan.
In this regard, we are fully aware of the
responsibilities facing the State of Israel. These include limitations on
the growth of settlements; removal of unauthorized outposts; and steps to
increase, to the extent permitted by security needs, freedom of movement
for Palestinians not engaged in terrorism. Under separate cover we are
sending to you a full description of the steps the State of Israel is
taking to meet all its responsibilities.
The government of Israel
supports the United States' efforts to reform the Palestinian security
services to meet their roadmap obligations to fight terror. Israel also
supports the American's efforts, working with the International Community,
to promote the reform process, build institutions and improve the economy
of the Palestinian Authority and to enhance the welfare of its people, in
the hope that a new Palestinian leadership will prove able to fulfill its
obligations under the roadmap.
I want to again express my
appreciation for your courageous leadership in the war against global
terror, your important initiative to revitalize the Middle East as a more
fitting home for its people and, primarily, your personal friendship and
profound support for the State of Israel. Sincerely,
Ariel
Sharon
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