The two sides agreed that in accordance with the UN Security Council Resolution 242, the June 4 1967 lines would be the basis for the borders between Israel and the state of Palestine.
1.1 West Bank
For the first time both sides presented their own maps over the West Bank. The maps served as a basis for the discussion on territory and settlements. The Israeli side presented two maps, and the Palestinian side engaged on this basis. The Palestinian side presented some illustrative maps detailing its understanding of Israeli interests in the West Bank.
The negotiations tackled the various aspects of territory, which could include some of the settlements and how the needs of each party could be accommodated. The Clinton parameters served as a loose basis for the discussion, but differences of interpretations regarding the scope and meaning of the parameters emerged. The Palestinian side stated that it had accepted the Clinton proposals but with reservations.
The Israeli side stated that the Clinton proposals provide for annexation of settlement blocs. The Palestinian side did not agree that the parameters included blocs, and did not accept proposals to annex blocs. The Palestinian side stated that blocs would cause significant harm to the Palestinian interests and rights, particularly to the Palestinians residing in areas Israel seeks to annex.
The Israeli side maintained that it is entitled to contiguity between and among their settlements. The Palestinian side stated that Palestinian needs take priority over settlements. The Israeli maps included plans for future development of Israeli settlements in the West Bank. The Palestinian side did not agree to the principle of allowing further development of settlements in the West Bank. Any growth must occur inside Israel.
The Palestinian side maintained that since Israel has needs in Palestinian territory, it is responsible for proposing the necessary border modifications. The Palestinian side reiterated that such proposals must not adversely affect the Palestinian needs and interests.
The Israeli side stated that it did not need to maintain settlements in the Jordan Valley for security purposes, and its proposed maps reflected this position.
The Israeli maps were principally based on a demographic concept of settlements blocs that would incorporate approximately 80 percent on the settlers. The Israeli side sketched a map presenting a 6 percent annexation, the outer limit of the Clinton proposal. The Palestinian illustrative map presented 3.1 percent in the context of a land swap.
Both sides accepted the principle of land swap but the proportionality of the swap remained under discussion. Both sides agreed that Israeli and Palestinian sovereign areas will have respective sovereign contiguity. The Israeli side wished to count "assets" such as Israelis "safe passage/corridor" proposal as being part of the land swap, even though the proposal would not give Palestine sovereignty over these "assets". The Israeli side adhered to a maximum 3 percent land swap as per Clinton proposal.
The Palestinian maps had a similar conceptual
point of reference stressing the importance of a non-annexation of any
Palestinian villages and the contiguity of the West Bank and Jerusalem.
They were predicated on the principle of a land swap that would be
equitable in size and value and in areas adjacent to the border with
Palestine, and in the same vicinity as the annexed by Israel. The
Palestinian side further maintained that land not under Palestinian
sovereignty such as the Israeli proposal regarding a "safe
passage/corridor" as well as economic interests are not included in the
calculation of the swap.
1.2 Gaza Strip
Neither side presented any maps over the Gaza Strip. In was implied that the Gaza Strip will be under total Palestinian sovereignty, but details have still to be worked out. All settlements will be evacuated. The Palestinian side claimed it could be arranged in 6 months, a timetable not agreed by the Israeli side.
1.3 Safe passage/corridor from Gaza to the West Bank
Both sides agreed that there is going to be a safe passage from the north of Gaza (Beit Hanun) to the Hebron district, and that the West Bank and the Gaza Strip must be territorially linked. The nature of the regime governing the territorial link and sovereignty over it was not agreed.
Both sides accepted in principle the Clinton suggestion of having a Palestinian sovereignty over Arab neighborhoods and an Israeli sovereignty over Jewish neighborhoods. The Palestinian side affirmed that it was ready to discuss Israeli request to have sovereignty over those Jewish settlements in East Jerusalem that were constructed after 1967, but not Jebal Abu Ghneim and Ras al-Amud. The Palestinian side rejected Israeli sovereignty over settlements in the Jerusalem Metropolitan Area, namely of Ma'ale Adumim and Givat Ze'ev.
The Palestinian side understood that Israel was
ready to accept Palestinian sovereignty over the Arab neighborhoods of
East Jerusalem, including part of Jerusalem's Old City. The Israeli side
understood that the Palestinians were ready to accept Israeli sovereignty
over the Jewish Quarter of the Old City and part of the American
2.2 Open City
Both sides favored the idea of an Open City. The Israeli side suggested the establishment of an open city whose geographical scope encompasses the Old City of Jerusalem plus an area defined as the Holy Basin or Historical Basin.
The Palestinian side was in favor of an open city
provided that continuity and contiguity were preserved. The Palestinians
rejected the Israeli proposal regarding the geographic scope of an open
city and asserted that the open city is only acceptable if its
geographical scope encompasses the full municipal borders of both East and
2.3 Capital for two states
The Israeli side accepted that the City of Jerusalem would be the capital of the two states: Yerushalaim, capital of Israel and Al-Quds, capital of the state of Palestine. The Palestinian side expressed its only concern, namely that East Jerusalem is the capital of the state of Palestine.
2.4 Holy/Historical Basin and the Old City
There was an attempt to develop an alternative concept that would relate to the Old City and its surroundings, and the Israeli side put forward several alternative models for discussion, for example, setting up a mechanism for close coordination and cooperation in the Old City. The idea of a special police force regime was discussed but not agreed upon.
The Israeli side expressed its interest and raised its concern regarding the area conceptualized as the Holy Basin (which includes the Jewish Cemetery on the Mount of Olives, the City of David and Kivron Valley). The Palestinian side confirmed that it was willing to take into account Israeli interests and concerns provided that these places remain under Palestinian sovereignty. Another option for the Holy Basin, suggested informally by the Israeli side, was to create a special regime or to suggest some form of internationalization for the entire area or a joint regime with special cooperation and coordination. The Palestinian side did not agree to pursue any of these ideas, although the discussion could continue.
2.5 Holy Sites: Western Wall and the Wailing Wall
Both parties have accepted the principle of respective control over each side's respective holy sites (religious control and management). According to this principle, Israel's sovereignty over the Western Wall would be recognized although there remained a dispute regarding the delineation of the area covered by the Western Wall and especially the link to what is referred to in Clinton's ideas as the space sacred to Judaism of which it is part.
The Palestinian side acknowledged that Israel has requested to establish an affiliation to the holy parts of the Western Wall, but maintained that the question of the Wailing Wall and/or Western Wall has not been resolved. It maintained the importance of distinguishing between the Western Wall and the Wailing Wall segment thereof, recognized in the Islamic faith as the Buraq Wall.
2.6 Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount
Both sides agreed that the question of Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount has not been resolved. However, both sides were close to accepting Clinton's ideas regarding Palestinian sovereignty over Haram al-Sharif notwithstanding Palestinian and Israeli reservations.
Both sides noted progress on practical arrangements regarding evacuations, building and public order in the area of the compound. An informal suggestion was raised that for an agreed period such as three years, Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount would be under international sovereignty of the P5 plus Morocco (or other Islamic presence), whereby the Palestinians would be the "Guardian/Custodians" during this period. At the end of this period, either the parties would agree on a new solution or agree to extend the existing arrangement. In the absence of an agreement, the parties would return to implement the Clinton formulation. Neither party accepted or rejected the suggestion.
Non-papers were exchanged, which were regarded as a good basis for the talks. Both sides stated that the issue of the Palestinian refugees is central to the Israeli-Palestinian relations and that a comprehensive and just solution is essential to creating a lasting and morally scrupulous peace. Both sides agreed to adopt the principles and references with could facilitate the adoption of an agreement.
Both sides suggested, as a basis, that the parties should agree that a just settlement of the refugee problem in accordance with the UN Security Council Resolution 242 must lead to the implementation of UN General Assembly Resolution 194.
The Israeli side put forward a suggested joint narrative for the tragedy of the Palestinian refugees. The Palestinian side discussed the proposed narrative and there was much progress, although no agreement was reached in an attempt to develop and historical narrative in the general text.
3.2 Return, repatriation and relocation and rehabilitation
Both sides engaged in a discussion of the practicalities of resolving the refugee issue. The Palestinian side reiterated that the Palestinian refugees should have the right of return to their homes in accordance with the interpretation of UNGAR 194. The Israeli side expressed its understanding that the wish to return as per wording of UNGAR 194 shall be implemented within the framework of one of the following programs:
A. Return and repatriation
Preference in all these programs shall be
accorded to the Palestinian refugee population in Lebanon. The Palestinian
side stressed that the above shall be subject to the individual free
choice of the refugees, and shall not prejudice their right to their homes
in accordance with its interpretation of UNGAR 194.
Both sides agreed to the establishment of an
International Commission and an International Fund as a mechanism for
dealing with compensation in all its aspects. Both sides agreed that
"small-sum" compensation shall be paid to the refugees in the "fast-track"
procedure, claims of compensation for property losses below certain amount
shall be subject to "fast-track" procedures.
Both sides agreed that UNRWA should be phased out in accordance with an agreed timetable of five years, as a targeted period. The Palestinian side added a possible adjustment of that period to make sure that this will be subject to the implementation of the other aspects of the agreement dealing with refugees, and with termination of Palestinian refugee status in the various locations.
3.5 Former Jewish refugees
The Israeli side requested that the issue of compensation to former Jewish refugees from Arab countries be recognized, while accepting that it was not a Palestinian responsibility or a bilateral issue. The Palestinian side maintained that this is not a subject for a bilateral Palestinian-Israeli agreement.
The Palestinian side raised the issue of restitution of refugee property. The Israeli side rejected this.
3.7 End of claims
The issue of the end of claims was discussed, and it was suggested that the implementation of the agreement shall constitute a complete and final implementation of UNGAR 194 and therefore ends all claims.
4.1 Early warning stations
The Israeli side requested to have 3 early warning stations on Palestinian territory. The Palestinian side was prepared to accept the continued operations of early warning stations but subject to certain conditions. The exact mechanism has therefore to be detailed in further negotiations.
4.2 Military capability of the state of Palestine
The Israeli side maintained that the state of Palestine would be non-militarized as per the Clinton proposals. The Palestinian side was prepared to accept limitation on its acquisition of arms, and be defined as a state with limited arms. The two sides have not yet agreed on the scope of arms limitations, but have begun exploring different options. Both sides agree that this issue has not been concluded.
4.3 Air space control
The two sides recognized that the state of
Palestine would have sovereignty over its airspace. The Israeli side
agreed to accept and honor all of Palestine civil aviation rights
according to international regulations, but sought a unified air control
system under overriding Israel control. In addition, Israel requested
access to Palestinian airspace for military operations and
4.4 Time table for withdrawal from the West Bank and Jordan Valley
Based on the Clinton proposal, the Israeli side
agreed to a withdrawal from the West Bank over a 36-month period with an
additional 36 months for the Jordan Valley in conjunction with an
international force, maintaining that a distinction should be made between
withdrawal in the Jordan Valley and elsewhere.
4.5 Emergency deployment (or emergency locations)
The Israeli side requested to maintain and
operate five emergency locations on Palestinian territory (in the Jordan
Valley) with the Palestinian response allowing for maximum of two
emergency locations conditional on a time limit for the dismantling. In
addition, the Palestinian side considered that these two emergency
locations be run by international presence and not by the Israelis.
Informally, the Israeli side expressed willingness to explore ways that a
multinational presence could provide a vehicle for addressing the parties'
4.6 Security cooperation and fighting terror
Both sides were prepared to commit themselves to promoting security cooperation and fighting terror.
4.7 Borders and international crossings
The Palestinian side was confident that Palestinian sovereignty over borders and international crossing points would be recognized in the agreement. The two sides had, however, not yet resolved this issue including the question of monitoring and verification at Palestine's international borders (Israeli or international presence).
4.8 Electromagnetic sphere
The Israeli side recognized that the state of
Palestine would have sovereignty over the electromagnetic sphere, and
acknowledged that it would not seek to constrain Palestinian commercial
use of the sphere, but sought control over it for security
Dispute over Ma'aleh Adumim
The importance of Israel's recognition of the
June 4, 1967 border is that since 1967 (and even today), Israel's official
position has been that UN Security Council Resolution 242 mandates
withdrawal from "territories" conquered in the Six Day War. The Arab
position, in contrast, is that the resolution requires withdrawal from
"the territories." Israel's official refusal to recognize the June 4, 1967
borders is currently an obstacle to Foreign Minister Shimon Peres in his
efforts to reach an agreement with the chairman of the Palestinian
Legislative Council, Ahmed Qureia (Abu Ala). There is no Palestinian
confirmation of Peres' claim that the Palestinians have accepted the
formulation that a final-status agreement will be based on Resolution
The Clinton proposal paved the way for
understandings in Jerusalem, but it also created the principal dispute
between the two parties.
Israel insisted that it retain sovereignty over
the "safe passage" between Gaza and the West Bank, with the Palestinians
receiving only usage rights to the land. With respect to air space,
however, Israel adopted a more generous approach to the sovereignty issue.
Nevertheless, it demanded rights to the use of Palestinian air space,
including for air force training exercises.